For
the third time the United States has impeached a president, Donald Trump, and
has entered a legal version of the Bermuda Triangle, in an era where partisanship reigns, or perhaps
more accurately rules, with accusations, counter charges, and tweets from the
White House and a president known for his thin skin, screaming, “witch hunt”
and another move from the “do nothing” Democrats, while in fact they have done
the one thing that many of its critics wanted, impeaching Trump.
The
trial, beginning on Tuesday with opening arguments, is a gateway to the victims
of Potomac Fever, as the ranks swell, and Trump has asked, Harvard law
professor Alan Dershowitz to join his defense team.
His
position that there needed to be a crime in order for impeachment was refuted
by one of his own law school students, Frank Bowman a University of Missouri law professor and
author who, according to a Chicago Tribune report said, “Its comically bad.
Dershowitz either knows better or should.”
Stonewalling
is certainly not unknown in American politics, but the White House has become
the master of the game with misusing “executive privilege” to prevent key
witnesses from testifying to holding necessary documents, that prompted Chuck
Schumer, Senate minority leader to formally ask for all pertinent documents.
While
much of America rolls its collective eye at the proceedings, many are watching
to see the much used term of “Democracy at work” --- and to see the GOP, under
Senate Majority leader, Mitch McConnell pledge to subvert the process in
Trump’s favor, and do a one-night, at best, that would last long into the
night, when most Americans are asleep.
Some
wonder if this is what the framers of the Constitution intended, but it seems
that those bewigged and knee breached men wanted was a broad frame to wrap
around behavior that met political malfeasance, and not criminal, despite the
assertion of Dershowitz.
With
support from James Madison, the impeachment process was considered necessary,
and political, as a check on the abuse of power by the chief executive, and
words such as “impunity” and “perfidy” were added by others, in what was
clearly delineated as a political process.
Keeping
that in mind, the result hammered out in the 1787 Convention clearly supports
the assertions by the House of Representatives against Trump.
While
the 53-47 Republican majority in the Senate gives less chance of a removal from
office, the obligation was clearly obligated by the lower House, and while
Speaker Pelosi received her share of criticism by progressives, many of whom
confused impeachment with removal from office, the pattern and path work today
is as intended in 1787.
What
we may not see is a design - broad as it was intended from the Trump defense
team, but Tuesday’s pressure to allow some witnesses and documents suggest that
McConnell is seeing some pressure from GOP senators to
provide more legal cohesion.
A recent poll revealed that 69 percent
of Americans favored Trump’s removal from office and 58 percent believe that he
had abused power when he witheld military aid from Ukraine, unless there was an
investigation of Hunter Biden, former Vice President Biden’s son for
corruption, a charge that has proven baseless.
Later
on Tuesday, the Senate rejected Schumer’s amendment requests, “and Democrats
continue to seek documents about a series of four calls March 27 from Trump’s
personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, to the State Department switchboard. The calls
came at a time when Giuliani was organizing a campaign to remove Marie
Yovanovitch, the former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine. Another document Democrats
seek is a cable that William Taylor, the top U.S. diplomat to Ukraine, sent to
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to describe concerns about withholding $391
million in military aid from Ukraine,” reported the right leaning USA Today.
“The
State Department has not produced a single document in response to the
congressional subpoena,” said Rep. Val Demings, D-Fla., one of the managers
prosecuting the president.
“Jay
Sekulow, one of Trump’s defense lawyers, said courts have long recognized
executive privilege to protect the confidentiality of communications with the
president. Sekulow argued that the privilege also applied to communications
between the president’s aides, as they formulate advice.”
“Sekulow
called it “a dangerous moment for America” if Trump couldn’t assert executive
privilege and defend the claim in federal court.”
As
if to paraphrase, or provide a coda to this opinion, Trump and company want a
swift end to the trial so that he can go back to holding rallies and name
calling and denying the facts, set forth by people such as Lev Parnas, and aide to Rudy
Giuliani, the president’s personal attorney, and former Ambassador to the
Ukraine, Masha Yovanovich, and Alexander Vindman, all from the
Administration who have clear evidence that the bribe, for there is no other
term for it to the Ukrainian president.
The
speed that Trump wants is a reversal from a full trial seeking vindication to
realizing that if witnesses do come forward he could bring what the Wall Street
Journal called “unpleasant surprises”.
What
might happen is anyone’s guess in the fight to the finish about what might
happen, even without removal, but an indication of what that might be seems to
belong to conjecture, but it’s safe to assume that even more of the same mix of
personal attacks, weakening the relationships with America’s allies, and the
same underhanded tactics that have weakened America’s faith in good governance
will continue.